and ex member of the Israeli parliament.
by courtesy Uri Avnery
3 January 2004
TEL AVIV, 3 January 2003 ' He read out the written text of his speech, word for word, without raising his eyes from the
It was vital for him to stick to the exact wording, since it was an encoded text. It is impossible to decipher it without
breaking the code. And it is impossible to break the code without knowing Ariel Sharon very well indeed.
So it is no surprise that the flood of interpretations in Israel and abroad was ridiculous. The commentators just did not
understand what they had heard. Those who did not understand will be unable to react effectively.
Here is the deciphered text of Sharon's 'Herzliyah speech':
The name of the game is Hitnatkut ('cutting ourselves off'). Meaning: most of the West Bank area will become de facto a
part of Israeli, and the rest we shall leave to the Palestinians, who will be enclosed in isolated enclaves. From these
enclaves, the settlements will be removed.
Stage One: In order to do this, we need time ' about half a year. We are talking about a large-scale and complicated
military operation. The army will have to occupy and fortify new lines, while 'relocating' dozens of isolated settlements.
This will require detailed planning, which has not yet even started. The necessary forces and instruments will have to be
prepared. Half a year is the minimum.
During this period we shall not be idle. On the contrary, we shall finish the 'separation fence', and it will play a major
part in the new deployment. We shall develop the 'settlement blocs', to which we shall transfer the settlers who will be
The execution of the plan in half a year is perfectly timed. At exactly that time the American election campaign will reach
its climax. No American politician will dare to utter a word against Israel. The Democrats need the Jewish votes and money.
The Republicans also need the votes and the money of the 60 million Christian fundamentalists, who support the most extreme
elements in Israel.
While we quietly prepare the big operation, we shall continue to flatter President Bush and praise his idiotic road map,
without, of course, fulfilling any of our obligations under the map. But we shall blame the Palestinians for violating it.
At the same time we shall pretend to seek negotiations with the Palestinians. We shall try to meet with Abu Ala as many
times as possible and play the game to the end. When we are ready to go, we shall terminate the contacts, declare the road
map dead and state sorrowfully that all our efforts to start peace negotiations have failed because of Arafat.
Stage two: By then, the 'separation wall' will be ready. The Palestinian territories (Areas A and B under Oslo) will be
surrounded on all sides. In practice there will be about a dozen isolated pockets. In order to fulfill our promise about
Palestinian 'contiguity' we shall connect the enclaves by special roads, bridges and tunnels, which we shall be able to cut
at a moment's notice.
The army will withdraw gradually to the separation barrier and redeploy in the territories that will be annexed to Israel,
including, inter alia, the settlement blocs of Karney Shomron, Elkana, Ariel and Kedumim; the Modi'in Road and the
territory south of it up to the Green Line, all the Greater Jerusalem area already annexed in 1967; the new neighborhoods
around Jerusalem up to Maaleh Adumim and perhaps further; the Jewish settlement in Hebron and Kiryat Arba and the
settlements in the Hebron area; all the Dead Sea shore; all the Jordan Valley, including about 15 km of the banks.
Altogether, more than half the West Bank.
These areas will not be annexed officially, but we shall annex them as rapidly as possible in practice. We shall fill them
with settlements (also using the settlers from the 'relocated' settlements), industrial parks, roads, public institutions
and army installations, so that they will become indistinguishable from parts of Israel proper.
At the same time, we shall evacuate the settlements beyond the barrier, including those in the Gaza Strip (with or without
the Katif bloc.)
In line with the American proposal, we shall call the Palestinian enclaves 'a Palestinian State with Temporary Borders'.
That will give the Palestinians the illusion that they will be able to negotiate the 'permanent' borders. But, of course,
the 'separation fence' will be the final border.
The terror will not stop completely, but the Palestinian enclaves will be at our mercy and we shall be able to cut each of
them off at any time, prevent movement from one to another and make life in them intolerable. It will not be worthwhile for
them to conduct violent acts. Officially, the Palestinians will have free access to the border crossings to Egypt and Jordan, but in practice we shall
maintain an effective military presence, enabling us to stop movement there at any time.
At first the world will scream, but faced with a fait accompli they will quieten down.
It is quite possible that Sharon will convince Israeli public opinion. The great majority of the public is united around
two points: (a) The longing for peace and security, and (b) the distrust of Arabs and the unwillingness to deal with them.
(Some weeks ago, a satirical supplement published a slogan: 'YES to peace, NO to Palestinians'.)
Sharon's plan promises peace and security, and it is entirely 'unilateral'. No negotiations with Palestinians are required.
But beneath the road to the implementation of the Sharon Plan there lie two big landmines: The settlers and the
Palestinians. The inhabitants of the settlements that are supposed to be 'relocated' include some of the most extreme elements of the
settlement movement. There is no chance that these will go away peacefully. They will have to be removed by force.
According to an informed estimate, some 5000 soldiers and policemen will be needed to remove just one small 'outpost':
Migron, near Ramallah, which Sharon was supposed to have removed long ago according to the road map.
The army cannot just leave these territories with the settlements remaining behind. As long as the settlements are there,
the army will be there. In other words, the implementation of the plan will not be quick and tidy, like the last night in
south Lebanon, but a process of many months, perhaps years.
While the deployment in the areas that will be de facto annexed to Israel will be quick and effective, the transfer of the
territories that will be turned over to the Palestinians will be very slow.
It is a complete illusion to believe that all this time the Palestinians will quietly look on. They will see the execution
of a plan that they believe, quite rightly, to be a device for the destruction of the national aims of the Palestinian
If Sharon succeeds in executing his plan, Palestinians will be crowded into territories that will constitute about 10
percent of the original territory of Palestine before 1948. Therefore, they will fight against this plan, and their
struggle will intensify the more it progresses. All possible means will be employed: Firing missiles and mortar shells over
the separation barrier, sending suicide bombers into Israel, and so on. In the end, the basic factors will be decisive: The
endurance of the two peoples, their readiness to continue the bloody fight, with all its economic and social implications,
as well as the willingness of the world to look on passively.
The idea of 'unilateral peace' is strikingly original. 'Peace without the other side' is a contradiction in terms. Learned
people will call it an oxymoron, a Greek term meaning, literally, a sharp folly. Eventually, the fate of this plan will be
the same as the fate of all the other grandiose plans put forward by Sharon in his long career. One need only think of the
Lebanon war and its price.
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