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Tarek Heggy
According to some statistics, fully one quarter of those enrolled in the
educational system in Egypt today are studying in religious educational
establishments [schools, academies, and colleges run by Al-Azhar]. Other
statistics reduce the number to one fifth, while a recent survey places it at no
more than one sixth. Even if we assume that the lowest estimate of one sixth,
that is, slightly over 16%, is the correct one, this means that more than three
million students receive their education from start to finish in religious
establishments. And the number would rise to four or five million if we accept
the other statistics. What is certain is that we are facing an educational
phenomenon that is bound to have far-reaching social, political and economic
ramifications and hence needs to be closely examined and analyzed.
The first question that springs to mind here is “why”. Why does a society like
Egypt’s end up sending such large numbers of its youth to study at religious
establishments? This question evokes another question: What brought us to this?
Was it planned or is it a random development that grew out of a reality not
governed by strategic planning but by reactions and bureaucracy?
Before going into the question of why this phenomenon has reached such
proportions in Egypt, it should be noted that, apart from Saudi Arabia, Iran,
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sudan and Yemen, no similar phenomenon exists in any
other of the more than 200 states in the world. Accordingly, we need to ask
ourselves whether we have allowed matters to reach this point because we aspire
to be not like Japan, Singapore, France, Canada or Spain [educationally and
hence culturally] but like Saudi Arabia, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sudan and
Yemen. And is this what we aimed for when we laid down a strategic educational
policy in full awareness of its implications and consequences?
It beggars belief that we could knowingly have put in place an educational
policy aimed at having one quarter, one fifth or one sixth of young people
enrolled in the educational system receive their education in religious
establishments. In fact, I would say that we never did lay down such a policy –
or, indeed, any educational policy at all!
In my view, matters evolved in the direction they have done as a result of
realities on the ground as well as bureaucracy. The huge forest of educational
religious establishments we are now seeing sprouted up haphazardly, in reaction
to specific problems, such as the lack of educational establishments within easy
reach of children living in to small towns and villages and as a place of
educational refuge for pupils who could not, whether for lack of material means
or minimal educational requirements, join the general education system. If I am
right, and I believe I am, our approach to the problem of education is
consistent with our approach to many other issues.
Writing this article forced me to contemplate some alarming facts. Among the
most disturbing is that we established the network of religious education as the
solution of least resistance, so to speak, for the problems of the lowest social
classes and the segments of society with the poorest learning skills. If that is
so, this means that from a strategic point of view we are injecting huge numbers
of the most disadvantaged elements of society
- economically, socially and in terms of learning skills - into a religious
educational system that is acquiring gargantuan proportions. Moreover, we have
done so without making any effort to consider the strategic results – political,
economic, social – of this “solution” on the future of society.
Over the years I have asked many, probably hundreds, of junior employees and
workers if their children were attending Al-Azhar schools. The great majority
replied in the negative and expressed disdain for the quality of education
provided by these schools. Their reaction led me to believe, perhaps wrongly,
that religious education in our society is perceived as the last refuge of those
who, for lack of social, economic or mental abilities, have no recourse to the
general education system. Once again I must emphasize that allowing this
phenomenon to flourish unchecked will have dire consequences for society as a
whole. The time has come to study the phenomenon and the adverse strategic
results it is bound to produce rather than leave it to the culture of
improvising ad hoc solutions that has prevailed for decades.
Over the last few decades, our society has been swept by a powerful wave of
obscurantism, as evidenced by the primitive and archaic understanding of
religion that has become all too prevalent. And yet no one seems to have studied
the relationship between this wave and the hordes of mainly underprivileged
members of society who have studied in religious educational establishments and
who are, for obvious reasons, particularly vulnerable to the appeal of a
simplistic understanding of religion.
Have any of our strategic thinkers looked at the phenomenon from another angle
and asked themselves what effect these huge numbers of Egyptian students
enrolled in religious establishments will have on the country’s scientific,
technological, industrial and trade sectors? We have seen other countries expand
religious education to the point which eventually gave rise to a cadre of men of
religion determined to prevent their societies from joining the march of
progress. Can we honestly say that we are not moving uncomfortably close to a
similar scenario?
It is also to be questioned whether we have looked at the issue of religious
education in Egypt from an extremely important perspective. The values of
progress are a set of values that form an integral part of the ethos of every
prosperous society. Among the most important are a belief in human diversity,
pluralism, the universality of knowledge, human rights and women’s rights. I
spent hours reviewing the curricula on offer at Al-Azhar’s educational
establishments in various subjects – culture, literature and languages – and
found them to be either totally devoid of any attempt to plant the seeds of
these values in their students’ minds or actively promoting opposing values. Are
we aware of the magnitude of the problem we have ourselves created by producing
graduates whose conscience and mindset are inculcated with values diametrically
opposed to the values of progress? In this connection, it is well to remember
that progress is more a function of a set of values than it is of material
resources.
Has anyone considered the possibility that, by allowing such a huge number of
religious educational establishments to mushroom in our midst, we are, from a
strategic political perspective, ultimately serving the interests of a trend
that has rightfully been described by the state as the worst enemy of civil
society? Are we as a society and a state financing the enemies of civil society
and of progress?
Has anyone reflected on how such an extensive network of religious educational
establishments will impact on the general cultural climate, on social peace and
on our nature as a Mediterranean society? Or is the issue of such little
importance that no one considers it worthy of attention?
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